Abstracts
Kaczmarski, Marcin
AB,
CDEF, GHIJ, KL,
MNO, PQR,
ST, UVWXYZ
Kalinski, Gjorgji
Kaminska, Joanna
Kansikas, Suvi
Kay, Rebecca
Khmelnitskaya, Marina
Khotimsky, Maria
Kirkham, Jackie
Koikkalainen, Katja
Koivunen, Pia
Kokoszycka, Ewa
Koltsova, Olessia
Korosteleva, Elena
Korts, Külliki
and Kuldjärv, Maarja
Kosterina,
Irina
Krasovitsky, Alexander et al
Krastev, Stefan
Krechetov, Sergey
Vašečka, Michal
and
Kriglerová, Elena
Korts, Külliki and Kuldjärv,
Maarja
Lashevskaja, Olga N.
Lassalle, Paul
and Naczyk, Marek
Lehečková, Helena
Leisti, Simo
Uspenskii, Fedor and Litvina, Anna
Ljbownikow, Sergej
Long, Alison
Luk’ianova, Evgenia
Lupishko, Marina
ABSTRACTS
K-L
Kaczmarski, Marcin
Kalinski, Gjorgji
Kaminska, Joanna
Kansikas, Suvi
Kay, Rebecca
Khmelnitskaya, Marina
Khotimsky, Maria
Kirkham, Jackie
Koivunen, Pia
Kokoszycka, Ewa
Koltsova, Olessia
Asian vector in Russian
foreign policy – searching for alternative to the West?
The fact that importance of Asian region in international politics has
seriously grown over past several years is obvious. The concept of Asia
has double meaning in Russian political thinking. On the one hand, it
represents insecurity, mainly because of historic reasons. It is reflected
in contemporary elites’ thinking by the notion of China threat. On
the other hand, the proponents of Eurasianism perceive Asia as an
opportunity for Russia’s re-emergence as a world power. Taking into
account the worsening of Russian-Western relations (and the lack of simple
solutions after expected change in the Kremlin in 2008), justified seems
the question, whether Asian direction in Russian foreign policy can become
an alternative of the West in terms of geopolitics, economy, security and
energy. The answer is the more important that one could already have
witnessed the possible consequences of Moscow’s engagement with its East –
the declared Russian readiness to direct some of its gas exports to China
contributed (although not as an only factor) to prolonging long-term
contracts with Gazprom by European states in 2006-2007. General questions
which are to be answered touch upon the place of Asian direction in
overall Russian foreign policy, i.e. whether Moscow’s external activities
in Asia:
-
are part of global strategy, aimed at competition with the U.S. (and the
West in general) and
creating multi-polar world order;
- are
aimed at influencing Europe, by presenting Asia as an alternative;
- have
its own, autonomous character and depend on regional determinants.
The Balkans: Reinvented or reverted?
Encountering cultural emancipation and human capital between
ethno-religious centeredness
Sound for its troublesome disposition within European context, the Balkans
is nowadays facing an endeavour to sustain the quality and dynamics inside
the processes of communicating, and applying the values of the liberal
world. Such efforts continue to be constantly threatened, as the cultural
geography remains largely alienated and self-centred. The new generations,
upon to most of whom, the processes of globalisation are bringing
considerably positive impacts, are now confronted to a reality of
contrasting values to the ones of their own. Such circumstances are
demandingly burdening their self-being, for a much needed change… Has
this “minority” been truly acknowledged within their respective societal
context yet? Shifting the conceptual input now seems, as a much-needed
recipe for the Balkans, as the religious and ethno centeredness,
constitute a considerable division within the librettos of the in-situ
political activism. The processes of enhancing and integrating the human
potential with all of its intellectual qualities, functional diversity,
and creative dynamics become a supplementing imperative. Regrettably, no
state strategy has truly advanced into direction of stimulating a more
dynamic societal growth, established upon knowledge-based postulates of
universal, humanistic, and functionally decentralised character. Mostly
focused on ethnic and religious rather than the civic stipulations, the
actions taken remain relevant within “their own breath”, whereas at the
same time reflect a lack of ideological input within a situational reality
of narrowly minded, political spectrum in the sphere.
The Enlarged European Union and Russia: Polish Influence on
the Partnership and Cooperation Agreement
This paper will examine the impact of
the new member states on the Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP) of
the European Union with particular reference to Poland’s ability to
‘upload’ its foreign policy interests in Eastern Europe. It specifically
focuses on the EU’s relations with Russia after the 2004 enlargement and
examines how the changes in the EU’s policy towards this country were
influenced by Polish actions. The project investigates the question of the
new members’ influence over the PCA negotiations with Russia in terms of
energy security and explores the EU’s and Russia’s relations with their
Eastern partners in the light of energy security issues. It also explores
whether the ‘wider Europe’ concept is compatible with that of a ‘wider
Russia’ and attempts to investigate the possible paths of cooperation
between the EU and Russia in areas of energy and security. The study also
examines the political and security relationship between the EU-Russia and
Ukraine and Belarus in the light of the 2004 enlargement. The research
will also try to identify the short-term and long-term options for the
EU’s policy in the shared neighbourhood and the possible paths of
cooperation on the most urgent issues with its Russian partner.
Prague -A halt in
détente? Soviet efforts to overcome the negative effects of the invasion
My paper investigates Soviet foreign policy and foreign economic policy
goals and initiatives towards Europe during the years of détente. My paper
is especially concerned with the effect the invasion of Prague had on the
general development of détente in Europe, epitomized in the rise of
East-West trade and proposals for an all-European conference for security.
The 1960s and 1970s saw an expansion of East-West contacts especially in
economic relations, but détente in international relations also had an
impact on cultural and political developments of the Cold War. The
invasion of Czechoslovakia in August 1968 seemed to change the
international climate that had been advancing towards the easing of
tensions. However, the atmosphere of Cold War brought about by the
invasion was short-lived. For instance, the CSCE process gained new ground
just the following year. My paper investigates the following questions:
What policies did the Soviet leadership initial to overcome the negative
effects of the military invasion? What impacts did the invasion have on
Europe, both the Western and Eastern part? Did the invasion affect Soviet
diplomatic or trade relations with Western Europe? I will answer
these questions by using primary source materials from several Russian
archives. RGANI holds materials on Soviet decision-making such as minutes
of the CPSU Central Committee Plenums. AVP RF contains materials from
Soviet embassies that give an indication of Soviet diplomatic interactions
with their Western counterparts.
Researching Care, Social Security and the ‘Withdrawing
State’ in a Rural Russian Context
Developments in rural areas of Russia since the early 1990s
have often seemed to epitomize and embody discourses of collapse and
‘state withdrawal’ following the end of State Socialism. Studies focusing
on the dismantling of state and collective farms have spoken of
‘abandonment’, endemic and ‘networked’ poverty and infrastructural
collapse. Yet anthropological accounts have also suggested that mixed
economies and ‘symbiotic’ relationships between the remnants of state-run
agricultural enterprises and local populations have provided frameworks
within which people are able to live, work and maintain a sense of
community. Care, reciprocity and social responsibility have been
successfully used as helpful analytical concepts for explaining
interactions which do not follow the logics of neoliberal market
ideologies. This paper will explore and develop an emerging research
agenda for studying the complex practices and relationships by which rural
people produce social security at personal, family and community levels.
The ways in which state and non-state structures, resources and staff
interact and intersect in these processes will also be examined,
challenging assumptions about the singular nature of the state and its
necessary separation from and oppositional relationship with ‘civil
society’. The development of a project to provide social support to men in
a rural area of Altai Territory in Western Siberia will be taken as a
starting point for this discussion.
Ideational origins of
Russian Housing Policy Reform in the 1990s
This paper
addresses policymaking involved in the reform of housing policy in
post-Soviet Russia and challenges the view that this reform was shaped by
political, economic and structural factors only. The paper suggests the
importance of ideational variables for the understanding of this reform.
The paper argues that the analysis of this reform in post-Soviet Russia
requires the examination of the innovative thinking in policymaking during
the late Soviet period. In the Soviet Union a unique structure of housing
construction and provision had emerged. It was almost entirely based on
centralized state administration. Yet, as the expectations of the Soviet
people grew over the post-WWII period, the authorities increasingly failed
to satisfy the ever-expanding demand of the population for better housing.
After exhausting the possibilities presented by the command economy,
Soviet policy experts by the late 1980s had proposed a host of measures
for reforming Soviet housing construction and provision along ‘market’
lines. These reform plans never had a chance to be realized in the turmoil
of the final Soviet years. Yet, Russian reformers took up these policy
proposals in the early 1990s. This paper, therefore, brings to prominence
the influential ideational factors, which had decisive impact on the
speedy elaboration of housing reform by the Russian government and the
choice of policy measures per se.
Apostrophe in Osip
Mandel’shtam’s Later Lyrics and Prose
The paper explores the rhetorical device of apostrophe that
plays an important role in the structure of Osip Mandel’shtam’s later
prose and poetry, and reflects his concepts of poetic language. Through
the readings of two poems from the 1930s, “Golubye glaza i goriachaia
lobnaia kost’…” and “Chtob, priiatel’ i vetra, i kapel’…” in context of
such prose works as “Conversation about Dante,” I offer an analysis of
several apostrophic sequences that involve the use of appositives and
homogenous parts of the sentence—a combination that allows Mandel’shtam to
create semantic tension between direct and oblique grammatical cases, and
to expand the usual uses of apostrophe. Poetic figure that “tropes not on
the meaning of the word but on its circuit or situation of communication
itself” (Culler “Apostrophe,” Diacritics, 1977, Vol. 4, p. 59), apostrophe
locates lyrical utterance (as well as the speaker and the addressee of a
poem) in the immediate context of poetic communication and outside the
temporal sequence. Mandel’shtam’s use of apostrophe with appositive
sequences in the texts dedicated to Andrei Belyi (“Golubye glaza…”) and
Francois Villon (“Chtob, priiatel’ i vetra, i kapel’…”) allows him to
question the notions of poetic creation, power, death, and poet’s
existence in posterity. Methodologically, the paper draws on the articles
by Jonathan Culler (1977) and Barbara Smith (1986), as well as the studies
of Mandel’shtam’s poetry (Segal 1973, Levin 1990, Isenberg 1987).
Sex Education in
Romania and Moldova: A Contested Arena - preliminary findings from PhD
fieldwork
Prior to the end
of state socialist systems, and in the two subsequent decades, sexual and
reproductive health has been an arena where dominant ideology has been
both promoted and challenged (although prior to the end of state socialism
the challenge was often only at the private level). In socialist Romania,
repressive pronatalist policies provided a backdrop for wider societal
repression, whilst in the former Soviet Union, although the policies were
not so extreme, nevertheless they too reflected wider political discourses
around gender roles and expectations, as well as the legitimacy of state
intervention in private and public life. Over the last 20 years, an
increasing number of actors have moved into the sexual and reproductive
health sphere; however the plurality of providers and perspectives has
often resulted in a polarised debate as well as highly variable coverage
and standards of services. This paper discusses the preliminary findings
from PhD fieldwork in Romania and the Republic of Moldova, concentrating
on the issue of sex education. Specifically, it will consider the
conscious policy in both countries, by both governmental and
non-governmental actors, to target services and publicity campaigns
towards adolescents and young people, and consider whether this reflects
actual need or whether the discourses and assumptions underpinning this
policy are more a reflection of currently dominant ideology. In
particular, the paper will discuss and reflect upon efforts at providing
sex education in the school system in both countries and the wider
processes and discourses that these efforts appear to represent.
Koikkalainen,
Katja
Business journalism in Russia today
The presentation is concerned with the
business journalism in Russia today and its challenges. In Russia, the
demand for specialised information like business information is rising
with the rise of economy. Since the early 1990s the business journalism
has developed rapidly and is in the forefront of globalization in Russian
media market. In Russia, the financial press market is one of the media
sectors with considerable foreign ownership and investment compared to the
situation in the other media market. The presentation focuses on current
situation, recent history and perspectives of business journalism in
Russia as seen by the business journalists themselves and on the grounds
of the newspaper data.
Celebration in the Name of Peace and Friendship: the 1957
Moscow Youth Festival
The VI World Youth
Festival held in Moscow 1957 is often considered to mark the opening up of
the Soviet Union to the outside world. More than 30,000 guests were among
the first foreigners to be allowed to visit Soviet society. Similarly, for
a number of Soviet citizens the festival made it possible to establish
contacts with foreigners. From the viewpoint of international politics, a
youth festival promoting peace and friendship was an excellent opportunity
for Khrushchev to put into practice his thinking on ‘peaceful coexistence
with the West’. This paper analyses the Moscow festival in the broader
framework of Khrushchev’s policy, asking what benefits the Soviet Union
achieved by organising the event on Soviet soil. Was the idea of ‘peaceful
coexistence’ directly related to the festival and, if it was, how was it
indicated, for example, in the festival programme? The festival is also
discussed in terms of Soviet tourism. Receiving and serving more than
30,000 guests in a previously isolated society presumably demanded the
creation of new kinds of facilities: accommodation, restaurants,
transport, etc. How did this impact on tourism in the Soviet Union after
the festival?
Slavs, thus not yet
degenerated and not slaves: The politics of representation in the hygienic
discourse of German Poles, 1895-1914
This paper intends to shed light on
the dynamics of mutual perception of
Poles – thus Slavs – and Germans in the context of changing attitudes
towards health between 1895 and 1914, when Poles living in the German
territory were – as a result of partitions of Poland in the late 18th
century – German citizens. The article ’Politics of the stomach’,
published in Polish in 1888 in Berlin, is a story of a Pole who – as a
result of the German colonization of Polish territories – had to migrate
further west into the German Empire. Because German cuisine was harmful to
a Polish stomach, especially when served with anti-Polish jokes, he became
a vegetarian, independent from the Germans, as he cooked for himself. For
the money saved on eating vegetarian food, he bought a stretch of land in
Poland. Thus this exemplary Pole adopted the – allegedly – ancient Slavic
way of living, i.e. without meat, alcohol and tobacco, which enabled him
to leave the degenerated Germans and come back to his fatherland; in this
manner the satire completely reversed the German perception of the Polish
as utterly degenerated.
My intention is to show the ways in
which, while the Polish learnt certain concepts and practices from
the Germans – such as vegetarianism – in a process of cultural transfer,
they thus strengthened their own identity as Poles and Slavs against the
Germans, who – according to Poles
– were ’enslaved by beer’, and therefore regarded trends to revive Polish
society as a biological threat to themselves.
From the Cold War to New Russian Nationalism
The issue of “New
Cold War”, more and more spoken about in media in recent years, has indeed
become a hot topic since summer 2007 in connection with announcement of
the missile defense system in Europe: the term Cold War was then used by
highest political leaders, including Vladimir Putin and George W. Bush.
This paper seeks to illustrate the role of Cold War rhetoric in
contemporary Russian media discourse; the illustrations are taken from a
series of studies of print media content. These and other studies of
Russian media make the author hold a vision that re-emergence of the cold
war rhetoric is an integral part – or, perhaps, a stage – of a broader
trend: it may be called re-construction of Russian national identity and
nationalism (that manifests itself in media). Since this new identity,
after a period of deep destruction, is re-building itself negatively,
against an external enemy, and since the USA-Russia competition has not
disappeared with the end of the “Old Cold War”, the USA-led “West” is
being easily integrated into the image of the external enemy as one of its
three key elements. The other two seem to be the “East”, with its Moslem
threats and numerous immigrants to Russia, and the “international
terrorism” as a euphemism used to mask both other elements.
Korosteleva, Elena and
The
nature and the impact of the ENP relations with Belarus: From external
governance to an extended
partnership?”
The European Neighbourh
ood Policy is now widely understood as an instance of ‘external
governance’: an attempt of the EU to extend parts of its legal and
institutional framework towards its neighbouring states. The purpose of
the paper is to test the assumptions of the external governance approach
by drawing on the specific case study of EU relations with Belarus.
Belarus has often been neglected in empirical research on the ENP in
general and in the context of the external governance perspective in
particular. The paper will examine (i) the existence of ‘governance’
exerted by the Union vis-à-vis Belarus on multiple levels and (ii) the
impact/meaning of EU external governance in Belarus. By way of conclusion
the paper highlights that the EU’s current approach requires a shift from
external governance to extended partnership. In its current
form, the ENP is neither sufficient to produce a workable model for future
EU-Belarus relations.
Korts, Külliki
and Kuldjärv, Maarja
Political and Institutional
Challenges to Drafting a New National Integration Programme in
Estonia
The paper discusses the apparent need for a
shift in the Estonian integration policy and possible constraints in the
process on three levels: public attitudes, political, and institutional.
According to formal indicators the priorities of the previous National
Integration Programme (2000-2007), linguistic and legal integration
(naturalisation), have shown considerable progress. Yet, recent
sociological studies have revealed that success in formal integration in
not accompanied with neither the perception of increased opportunities and
hence higher level of trust towards the state among the “formally
integrated”, especially the younger generation (the main target group of
integration measures), nor higher levels of acceptance or openness form
the part of ethnic Estonians. Such paradox calls for a shift in
integration policy with a clear focus on the issues of political and
social participation and socio-economic exclusion. However, a shift in the
policy, which could be asserted in the new policy document, the National
Integration Programme 2008-2013, currently in the writing process, would
need to be negotiated through threefold constraints: firstly, the
abovementioned adverse public opinion; secondly, the political will of the
ruling coalition, highly reliant on the public opinion; and thirdly, the
precarious position of the main political document, National Integration
Programme, and the institution responsible for it, Bureau of the Minister
of Ethnic Affairs, within the political and bureaucratic establishment of
the Estonian state.
Kosterina,
Irina
The transformation of women’s networks in villages of the Ul’ianovsk
region: a case study of young families
Сельская молодежь
является одной из самых уязвимых групп внутри молодежной когорты. Одна из
очевидных тенденций - в современном российском селе наметилось явное
противоречие между семейными ценностями (являющимися одними из
приоритетных для сельской молодежи), трудовыми/карьерными
стратегиями и потребностями в самореализации и саморазвитии.
Для многих молодых сельчан характерен «традиционный» уклад и ориентация на
семейные ценности, поддержание патриархатных устоев и правил, когда в
результате формирования новой семьи создаются и активно поддерживаются
новые родственные связи и отношения. В то же время, на селе семья часто
является эссенциальной необходимостью, т.к. отсутствие возможностей
карьерного роста или географической мобильности приводит к тому, что
выживание осуществляется за счет уплотнения и слияния
социального/родственного капитала мужа и жены. Как правило, женщина,
пришедшая в новую семью (семью мужа), что характерно для сельского уклада,
автоматически расширяет свой круг общения за счет родственников и друзей
мужа. Поскольку сельская местность в Ульяновской области продолжает
оставаться в депривированной экономической ситуации, многие мужчины
уезжают работать вахтовым методом в областной центр или в Москву.
Безусловно, такая ситуация приводит к тому, что женщинам остается меньше
возможностей для самореализации, они не могут воплощать в действительность
свои карьерные притязания, замкнуты в пространстве дома, что негативно
сказывается на их самооценке и психологическом самочувствии. Следствием
такого положения дел является полное «растворение» в семье мужа и
зависимость от нее (т.к. молодые часто живут с родителями мужа). Контакты
с собственными родственниками и подругами приобретают эпизодический
характер и часто совершаются по телефону. Таким образом, село становится
центром деприваций и лишений, пространственной изоляции семей, не имеющих
возможностей выехать в более благополучный регион (город), а также шансов
радикально изменить ситуацию внутри современного сельского уклада
обеспечения семьи.
Krasovitsky, Alexander, Baerman, Matthew, Brown,
Dunstan, Corbett, Greville G., Long, Alison
Predicate agreement
with quantified expressions in Russian
In Russian,
predicates controlled by quantified expressions may take either singular
or plural, as shown in:
Горел-и
/ горел-о
четыр-е
свечи
burned-PL / burned-SG four
candles
‘Four candles burned.’
Predicate agreement with quantified expressions shows significant
variability synchronically (with respect to particular quantifier, noun
and verb semantics, clause structure), as well as diachronically. We have
investigated changes in agreement patterns over two centuries (1801-2000)
and evaluated the effect of semantic and grammatical conditions on
morphosyntactic choices. One of the striking examples is the interaction
of animacy and word order. Animate subjects and subject-predicate word
order favour plural predicates, while inanimates and predicate-subject
word order trigger singular predicates (Patton (1969), Corbett (1983)).
The effect of each factor may be either reinforced or weakened by
combining with another factor (Corbett 1983: 150-152). Data from our
corpus for 1981-2000, compared to that for 1901-1920, indicate a
significant change with respect to the distribution of singular and plural
marking under the conditions in question. Change in late twentieth century
Russian led to QEs with subject-predicate word order having a more uniform
behaviour, irrespective of the animacy factor (90% plural with animates
and 82% with inanimates). If only one of the factors favouring plural
agreement occurred, presence of an animate subject was a less powerful
condition than subject-predicate word order (64% and 82% plural). However,
the significance of the animacy factor increased over time for
predicate-subject word order, which is indicated by the increased margin
between QEs with animate and inanimate subjects (64% and 38% plural).
Krastev, Stefan
Social Integration of Minorities in Bulgaria:
Between the Scylla of Neoliberal Fiscal Policies and the Charybdis of the
European Directives
The main characteristics
of the process of state social integration of minorities in the last ten
years in Bulgaria are shaped mainly by two often contradictory (in
relation to one another and internally) tendencies, emphasising different
policy choices:
- neoliberal
ideology and practices, shared by all consecutive governments in power,
which aim at minimising state
social interventions, put minority protection among its
peripheral priorities and try to avoid public resentment from the
majority population, which sees specific minority
integration programmes as “unjustified privileges”.
-
The impact of the EU institutions, which list
“respect for and protection of minorities” among the political criteria
for
membership, but send contradictory messages regarding
its content – is it only about normative harmonisation with
EU directives or about state initiated full-fledged
social integration, measured with concrete indicators?
The social integration of minorities in Bulgaria thus is a process
characterised by a significant discrepancy between the value driven
rhetoric of Bulgarian and European strategic documents and programmes and
their actual realisation, restricted by the political considerations of
the main actors involved. Inevitably, because of the gaps between their
strategic, but quite vaguely defined goals (integration of minorities) and
its concrete, but much restricted implementation, the programmes for
social integration produce limited and often unintended results and are
often driven not by long-term strategies, but by the dynamics of tactical
struggles between various state institutions as ministries of education,
welfare and health, the Council on Ethnic and Demographic issues and
multiple non-governmental minority actors. This tendency is further
strengthened by Bulgaria's entering into EU and the elimination of the EU
accession process as an instrument for influencing the country's ethnic
minority policies
Krechetov, Sergey
General Nikolai
Sabloukoff through British Eyes
Despite the
significance of General Sabloukoff’s
Reminiscences of the Court and Time of the Emperor Paul
I of Russia,
which made him one of
the most famous of the Russian memoirists, his biography received little
attention and has never been sistematically studied. This relative
ignorance partly derives from a lack of available sources and is partly a
result of a very limited acquintance with them. Whereas, most of
rudimentary materials are still unknown to general public in Russia,
numerous British sources related to Sabloukoff were sistematically
preserved and published. Sabloukoff (1776-1848) visited Britain several
times and the British paid him some attention. He has figured in several
memoirs and letters which have come down to us. Sabloukoff was among the
very first of Jeremy Bentham’s Russian admirers and their correspondence
might be found in the Bentham’s Correspondence. Sabloukoff became a
friend of Sir Thomas Lawrence and gave him some accounts on Russian
affairs, which are carefully described in The Joseph Farington Diary.
Sabloukoff married Juliana, daughter of John Julius Angerstein,
himself a Russian émigré, merchant and philanthropist, and they appeared
in The Journals and Letters of Fanny Burney. Therefore, the
aim of the paper is to provide the general audience with a comprehensive
and sistematicaly structured introduction to the central and minor sources
related to Sabloukoff’s perception by the British.
Vašečka, Michal
and Kriglerová,
Elena
‘EU Influence
over Integration Processes of Roma Population in
Slovakia’
Proposed paper is
divided into three parts. The first part summarizes strategies of Slovak
governments prior to 2004 on integration of Roma population and their
implementation. Authors point out at motivations of policy-makers to
implement governmental programs and stress the importance that so-called
Roma issues played in the public discourse prior to enlargement of the EU
in 2004. Special attention is paid to pre-2004 strategies of local
governments how to tackle the so-called Roma issues and authors describe
strategies of inactivity and the wall strategies of local governments.
The second part analyses definitions of the so-called Roma issues within
governmental strategies and by applying public policy cycle scheme authors
suggest that no inclusion policies in Slovakia could have been successful
due to inappropriate definition of inclusion aim. Authors show that most
of governmental programs have been one-dimensional as far as social
inclusion policies are concerned. For instance NAP on social inclusion is
focused almost exclusively on labor provisions and neglect any other
inclusion tools known from other countries. The third part following
developments after 2004 suggests that enlargement of the EU changed the
landscape of the so-called Roma issues dramatically. This change, authors
suggest, is not overlapping with value orientations changes in Slovakia,
but rather with existence of structural funds. Eurofunds opened a new
episode in the integration programs history in Slovakia and standard of
living of many Roma communities has been improved significantly already.
These positive changes, however, has not been result of systemic
implementation of governmental programs, rather outcome of cynical
calculations of various policy-makers and structural fund stakeholders.
Korts, Külliki
and Kuldjärv,
Maarja
Political and Institutional
Challenges to Drafting a New National Integration Programme in
Estonia
The paper discusses the apparent need for a
shift in the Estonian integration policy and possible constraints in the
process on three levels: public attitudes, political, and institutional.
According to formal indicators the priorities of the previous National
Integration Programme (2000-2007), linguistic and legal integration
(naturalisation), have shown considerable progress. Yet, recent
sociological studies have revealed that success in formal integration in
not accompanied with neither the perception of increased opportunities and
hence higher level of trust towards the state among the “formally
integrated”, especially the younger generation (the main target group of
integration measures), nor higher levels of acceptance or openness form
the part of ethnic Estonians. Such paradox calls for a shift in
integration policy with a clear focus on the issues of political and
social participation and socio-economic exclusion. However, a shift in the
policy, which could be asserted in the new policy document, the National
Integration Programme 2008-2013, currently in the writing process, would
need to be negotiated through threefold constraints: firstly, the
abovementioned adverse public opinion; secondly, the political will of the
ruling coalition, highly reliant on the public opinion; and thirdly, the
precarious position of the main political document, National Integration
Programme, and the institution responsible for it, Bureau of the Minister
of Ethnic Affairs, within the political and bureaucratic establishment of
the Estonian state.
Lashevskaja, Olga N.
New words in a new
frequency dictionary of Russian
The paper presents
Frequency Dictionary of Modern Russian based on the Russian National
Corpus (Lashevskaja & Sharoff, forthcoming). The subcorpus of modern texts
(1950-2007, 100 million tokens) has been compiled to contain ca. 36% of
fiction, 42% of newspapers and news, 17% of other non-fiction, and 5% of
spoken Russian. The dictionary includes the following lists: most frequent
common lemmas (lexemes) sorted both in alphabetical and rank frequency
order, four lists providing comparisons between the main varieties of
speech (fiction, spoken, etc.), rank frequency indexes within POS classes,
a frequency list of word forms, and an alphabetical list of proper nouns
and abbreviations. Unknown words pose a serious problem for the
lemmatization and POS tagging. More than 5000 lemmas from the first 50000
words lemmatized list are tagged as “unknown” in the RNC. Fortunately,
about 60% of them represent productive morphological models, e. g.
adjectives ending in –skij (847), –nyj (512), nouns ending
in –nie (–n’je) (295), –ost’(–est’) (95), –cija
(78), verbs ending in –vat’ (64), –s’a (53). For other
cases, a special semi-automated technique is used to group word forms into
lemmas and to induce their grammatical features.
Lassalle,
Paul and Naczyk, Marek
Both restless and conventional :
Polish far right youth movement Młodzież Wszechpolska
Numerous studies in political science
have been carried out on the recent resurgence of far right political
parties in Western and Central Europe, but the activists in such movements
have been largely ignored. A recent study directed by Bert Klandermans and
Nonna Mayer (2006) has attempted to fill this gap by examining far right
movements through the lens of new social movement analysis. Our aim is to
apply this approach to a Polish far right youth movement – Mlodziez
Wszechpolska (the All Polish Youth). This movement already existed in the
1920s and 1930s, but it was reactivated in 1989, just after the collapse
of communism, by Roman Giertych – the current leader of the
ultra-conservative League of Polish Families (LPR). It uses the classic
nationalist themes of the 1920s and at the same time has adapted its
ideology to the new post-communist context. Its leitmotiv is the rejection
of post-communist elites and a will to replace them with a new ‘patriotic’
elite. This leads Mlodziez Wszechpolska to adopt a paradoxical way of
doing politics. On the one hand, it positions itself as an anti-system
movement – which organises violent demonstrations – and on the other hand,
it seeks to conquer power by participating in the democratic parliamentary
game. This paper will aim to provide a better understanding of how such a
movement is able to reconcile these contradictory repertoires of political
participation.
Lehečková,
Helena
Acquirement and Re-acquirement of a Slavonic
Language: Evidence from Aphasia in Czech
The paper deals with the relation between
linguistic functions and neurophysiological structures. Slavonic languages
are extremely rich in morphology and aphasia provides unique
evidence about their organization in the brain.
I have studied aphasia in Czech for a long time, mainly in adult patients.
Childhood aphasia is a relatively rare syndrome and its patterns had been
reported not to be exactly like those in adulthood. In the paper I
describe my long-term study of an interesting case of childhood aphasia
and compare it to the results of my synoptic study of the spontaneous
speech of Czech adult aphasics. The differences and similarities enable us
to make assumptions as to the plasticity of the brain as well as
acquirement and re-acquirement of language. The manifestation of aphasia
in a language with such a complicated grammar as Czech yields data not
only about the physiological deficit but also about the functioning of
language. I argue that the material offers a unique insight into the
neuropsychological organization of an inflecting language, and I draw
conclusions concerning the storage of grammatical categories in the brain.
Leisti, Simo
The Prague Spring Turns
into Autumn in Moscow
In my paper I will discuss the consequences ideological
changes, which were provoked by the upheavals in Czechoslovakia, for the
institute of Concrete Social Research (IKSI) in Moscow. Soon after the
intervention was over, the position of social scientists in the Soviet
Union changed as the defenders of ideological orthodoxy gained the upper
hand in social sciences. This change was especially felt in the newly
established institute that was soon singled out by the political
authorities as a hotspot of ideologically dubious activities. The
situation was deteriorated when Yuri Levada, who worked at the institute,
was thrown into the target of ideologically substantiated criticism in
1969. The paper, that is intended to be a chapter of my Ph.D. thesis, is
mainly based on archive materials collected from RGANI, ARAN and TsaoPim.
Uspenskii, Fedor and Litvina, Anna
Христианские имена и
патрональные святые династии Рюриковичей
Со времен
христианизации Руси все князья обладали христианскими именами. В качестве
важнейшей модели именования правителя длительное время функционировала
двуименность (исконное имя + христианское имя). Круг княжеских имен был
относительно замкнут, христианские имена князей могли даваться в крещении
любому христианину на Руси, но при этом далеко не всякое христианское имя
годилось для Рюриковича в качестве династического. Запрет на использование
имен живущих предков, унаследованный Рюриковичами от скандинавов, никогда
не распространялся буквально на христианские имена Рюриковичей: сын мог
быть назван христианским именем живого отца или деда. В эпоху преобладания
исконных княжеских имен доминирует, скорее, «синкретическая» тенденция в
почитании святых покровителей рода, в частности, святых-тезок. Князь,
названный Андреем, может числить среди своих покровителей всех свв.
Андреев, будь то Андрей Первозванный, Андрей Стратилат, или Андрей
Критский. Князь, носивший в крещении имя Федор, был связан со всеми
многочисленными свв. Федорами из месяцеслова (правда, в случае с
Федорами, например, в первую очередь выделялись фигуры святых воинов —
свв. Федора Тирона и Федора Стратилата). Позднее же на первый план может
выдвигаться «аналитическая» тенденция к точной дистрибуции святых патронов
князей. В то время, когда христианские имена становятся династическими и в
целом вытесняют из обихода имена исконные, прежний запрет на использование
имен живых предков приобретает новую актуальность в существенно
трансформированном виде: отец и сын могут носить одно и то же
династическое христианское имя, однако существует последовательная
тенденция к наречению их в честь разных святых.
Ljbownikow, Sergej
Playing Catch: Can
Grassroots Organisations and NGOs substitute for the state in Russia?
This paper focuses
on civil society and its relationship with the Russian state. In the past
this relationship has been researched from various perspectives and
through different theoretical lenses. However, investigations into the
activities of civil society organisations in terms of substituting for the
Russian state have been sporadic in nature. In general, the literature
concludes that civil society is weak and its development has stalled.
Furthermore, recent political and legal changes in Russia have increased
the federal power base as well as the power of the bureaucratic apparatus
and have thus encroached on the space occupied by civil society. At the
same time, after a process of state over-withdrawal (Sil and Chen, 2003),
civil society organisations have found themselves in a position where
their activities are substituting for the state. This converse development
has increased friction between the state and civil society. Cook and
Vinogradovas’ (2006) categories of civil society organisation to
distinguish grassroots organisations and NGOs is adopted. The paper begins
by synthesising the philosophical understandings of civil society and
assesses its condition in Russia. It then touches upon some methodological
issues related to research into civil society organisations in Russia.
Subsequently, through combining these efforts, the paper establishes a
clear starting point on which future investigations of grassroots
organisations and NGOs, with a particular focus on their ability to both
substitute for the state and at the same time, hold it accountable.
Long, Alison
The status of the Russian short form
adjective at the end of the 20th century
The general perception of the Russian short
form adjective is that it has been in decline, certainly since the
beginning of the 19th century. Previous corpus studies (Benson
1954, Gustavsson 1977) indicate this to be the case. In this paper, we
examine the state of the short form adjective at the end of the 20th
century. Using a body of almost 5,500,000
lexical items from the period 1981-2000 in the Barentsen
Corpus, and further texts from the same period from the Russian National
Corpus, we examined the short form in all contexts, including particular
copula verbs, animacy, abstract/concrete nouns and semantic properties of
the adjective. The results of our searches were then statistically
analysed, using ANOVA, to determine the variation between the different
contexts in which the short form occurs. A number of lexical items,
including bolen, zdorov, dovolen, show a definite tendency toward
the short form when found in the predicate position. This leads to two
conclusions; first, that the class is splitting, with one small group
favouring the short form in the predicate, and the rest being used mainly
in the long form nominative and long form instrumental. Therefore, the
evidence suggests that the short form is no longer declining, but is
approaching stability.
Luk’ianova, Evgenia
Education reform: a view from the provinces
Вот уже на протяжении
15 лет доступность высшего образования признаётся ульяновской молодёжью в
числе самых важных проблем. Но если раньше эта проблема связывалась в
основном с опасениями по поводу платного образования, то теперь эти заботы
отошли на второй план. Гораздо больше материальных вопросов сегодняшних
абитуриентов волнуют те, что связаны с грядущими изменениями в системе
высшего образования. Ульяновская область занимает выжидательную позицию по
отношению к начавшимся реформам. Это проявляется как в позиции руководства
школ и вузов, так и самих школьников. Например, в 2006 году ЕГЭ решились
сдать всего 13% одиннадцатиклассников. Большинство учащихся и их родителей
не видят никаких преимуществ в этом эксперименте по той причине, что он не
соответствует их образовательным стратегиям. Не менее острая проблема –
дифференциация школ и всё возрастающая зависимость поступления в вуз от
типа учебного заведения, который заканчивают юноши и девушки. За
конкурентной чертой оказываются не только ребята из техникумов и училищ,
но и из массовых школ. Желая учиться в вузе не меньше своих сверстников из
гимназий и лицеев, они должны затрачивает больше усилий и средств (почти в
2 раза!) на подготовку к вступительным экзаменам. Однако для многих из них
эти вложения не окупают себя, всё равно они считают себя слабее
выпускников из специализированных школ и потому полагают, что могут
претендовать лишь на внебюджетные места. Сложившаяся в российской
«глубинке» ситуация неопределённости и даже в какой-то мере паники
заставляет семьи абитуриентов обращаться к проверенным ещё с советских
времён формам поступления. Около половины родителей готовы в случае
необходимости пойти на то, чтобы дать взятку, а ёще около четверти
задействовать имеющиеся связи и знакомства! Отсюда встаёт вопрос о том, в
чём же заключается эффективность новой российской реформы образования.
Lupishko, Marina
On the Melodic Quality of Tsvetaeva’s
Verse: A Study of Vocal Cycles by Schnittke (1965), Shostakovich (1973),
and Gubaydulina (1984)
Andrey Bely in his 1922 review of Marina
Tsvetaeva’s collection of poetry Razluka praised
the musicality of her verse: «[Her] melodies are haunting, persistent…» .
It is all the more striking, says Bely, that the poet proceeds
intuitively: she is unaware of the technicalities of her own craft.
Tsvetaeva herself admitted in a 1923 letter to Bakhrakh that she, having
not understood 3/4 of Bely’s metric analysis of her
poetry, «has only recently discovered what is an iamb and what is a
dactyl». The 20th century has confirmed Bely’s
observation: hundreds of songs were composed to Tsvetaeva’s
poems in many different styles, from pop music to avant-guarde.
Many of these
have become musical hits. In my paper I propose to transfer the notion of
musicality of Tsvetaeva’s verse from the domain of
aesthetic intuition to that
of concrete facts, using the methodology of Russian school of metrics
(Tomashevsky 1929, Taranovsky 1953, Gasparov 1974, Bailey 1975, etc.). I
challenge Bely’s statement that the melodic quality
of Tsvetaeva’s verse is something separate and
distinct from its rhythm. This «melodiousness» in my opinion, is a result
of rhythmic complexity of her verse: a certain pattern of stress omissions
is repeated over an important number of poetic lines, creating a so-called
‘rhythmic formula’. Among
several possible readings of a rhythmic formula there exists one that
corresponds the best to Tsvetaeva’s own intentions.
The examination of settings of Tsvetaeva’s
verses by Russian composers are used in order to substantiate this
hypothesis.
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last updated
26 March 2008